InhaltsangabeContents Acknowledgements 9 1. Introduction 11 1.1 Militant Islamist groups and their constituencies in social science research 15 1.2 Research question and design of this study 24 1.3 The case studies and criteria for comparison 25 1.4 Central concepts 27 1.5 Research strategies, methods, and sources 30 1.6 The structure of this book 36 2. Violent insurgencies and relationships of support: Outlines of an analytical framework 38 2.1 Engaging in relationships: Forms of orientation and reference groups 39 2.2 Support relationships: Setting and basic forms 42 2.3 Forms of influence in relationships of support 51 2.4 Summary 55 3. Between Islamic revolution and resistance: The militant groups' aims and perspectives 56 3.1 Killing the Pharaoh, creating an Islamic society: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya and al-Jihad in Egypt 57 3.2 Resistance against occupation and the Islamic revolution in Lebanon: Hizbullah 77 3.3 Summary: Aims and patterns of orientation 93 4. The setting: Militant Islamist groups and their social environment 95 4.1 AlJamaa alIslamiyya: Rebellion in the Sa'id and Cairo's shantytowns 96 4.2 Hizbullah: Insurgency in South Lebanon, ruling the suburbs 108 4.3 Summary 116 5. Support relationships I: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya - Spreading the Call and ruling the neighborhood 118 5.1 "They were just good Muslims": Support for the Islamist movement and al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya in Ayn Shams 119 5.2 AlJamaa alIslamiyya in Imbaba: "Ruling" the neighborhood 127 5.3 Establishing a following at the university and beyond: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya in Assiut 131 5.4 Breaking with the past: Family relationships and al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya 136 5.5 AlJihad: Preparing clandestinely for a coup d'état 140 5.6 Summary: Relationships of support between al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya and its constituency 141 6. Development patterns I: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya - Escalation, estrangement, and radicalization 144 6.1 Fragmentation under pressure: The development of support relationships in Ayn Shams and Imbaba 145 6.2 Losing ground: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya's insurgency in Assiut 150 6.3 The war against collaborators: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya in al-Minya 159 6.4 From ambushes to massacres: Decline of the insurgency and loss of constraints on violent practices 164 6.5 From ambivalence to condemnation: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya and their audiences in public discourse 167 6.6 The development of al-Jihad 169 6.7 Summary: Dynamics of estrangement and fragmentation 171 7. Support Relationships II: Outcast, defender, provider - Hizbullah and the Shiite community in Lebanon 174 7.1 Building a movement and providing for the neighborhood: Hizbullah in the southern suburbs of Beirut 175 7.2 Reigning in the clans: Hizbullah in the Beqaa 182 7.3 Becoming part of the community: The Islamic Resistance in South Lebanon 185 7.4 Joining a subculture and an army: Becoming a member of Hizbullah 195 7.5 Summary: Relationships of support between Hizbullah and the Shiite community in Lebanon 198 8. Development Patterns II: Hizbullah - Resilience, adaptation, and consolidation of support 201 8.1 Support for the "resistance" and its resilience under pressure 202 8.2 Bringing Iran to Lebanon and "wasting" the community's sons: Elements of controversy and friction 204 8.3 Adaptation and strategic re-orientation: Hizbullah's response to opposition and weakening support 211 8.4 Consolidation of support and control 218 8.5 Summary: Dynamics of support, adaptation, and control 230 9. Conclusion: Militant Islamist groups and their constituencies - Relationships of support and control 232 9.1 Relationship structures: Forms of reference, ties of support, and forms of influence 233 9.2 Development patterns 246 9.3 Militant groups and their constituencies: The logic of relational analysis 255 10. List of maps and tables 260 11. References 261

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Two violent incidents in the early 1980s directed Western public attention to what seemed to be a new kind of threat posed by militant Islamist groups. On October 23, 1983, at approximately 6:20 a.m., a young man in a yellow Mercedes truck approached the U.S. Marine compound at Beirut International Airport, headquarters to the American contingent of an international peacekeeping force sent to oversee the PLO withdrawal from Lebanon. The driver accelerated towards the perimeter, broke through barbed-wire and sandbag barriers, and exploded a charge equivalent to more than five metric tons of TNT, which led to the collapse of the entire four-story building and killed 241 soldiers. Only minutes later an almost identical suicide-bombing was carried out against the French contingent, killing fifty-eight. The attacks were disturbing not only because they caused an immense number of casualties, but also because of the way in which they were perpetrated. The two attackers, later identified by their noms-de-guerre as "Abu Mazen" (age 26) and "Abu Sijaan" (age 24), not only willingly sacrificed their lives to carry out the bombings but did so, according to witnesses, with joyful expressions on their faces. A statement sent by a group calling itself "Islamic Jihad", believed to be connected to the then largely unknown Hizbullah, claimed responsibility and threatened further attacks, declaring: "We are fond of death." The second incident had occurred two years before, on October 6, 1981, when Khalid al-Islambouli, a lieutenant with the Egyptian army and member of the radical Islamist group al-Jihad, assassinated the Egyptian president Anwar al-Sadat during a military parade outside Cairo. Islambouli became famous not only for his deed, but also for his words after the attack, when he shouted, "I have killed the Pharaoh, and I do not fear death!" The attack was not conceived as a suicide mission, but the perpetrators clearly expected to be killed, as Al-Islambouli's lawyer later recounted, "They wanted to enter paradise. They considered themselves martyrs." The dangerous new quality of this threat from "religious fana-tics" seemed obvious. Because the attackers were driven, as a Western news-magazine put it, by a "zeal to die and win a passport to heaven," the rationale behind their attacks seemed different from those of other insurgent or terrorist groups, which made them unstoppable by conventional security measures or the threat of retaliation. What is the logic behind Islamist violence? According to one influential interpretation it is the logic of another world, which translates into forms of "fanaticism" and acts of violence that defy conventional rationality. Rather than seeking to extract political gain and address political audiences, the perpetrators seem to follow divine imperatives or sacred duties, expecting rewards in the hereafter. To capture this phenomenon, scholars of political violence developed categories such as "religious terrorisms" or "sacred terrorism", referring to what was seen as a particular type of militant group (Rapoport 1990, Hoffman 1995). One quality of this "religious terrorism" is especially relevant to this study: the presumed relationship between militant groups and their social environment. Whereas secular terrorists seek to gain the support and sympathies of certain communities or parts of a population, religious militant groups are assumed to "execute their terrorist acts for no audience but themselves" (Hoffman 1995, 273); as a result they are "unconstrained by the political, moral, or practical constraints that seem to affect other terrorists" (Hoffman 1995, 272). This book challenges that interpretation. There might be violent religious groups that correspond to this description, but these are rare and rather exceptional cases. For the vast majority of religious militants, and especially for militant Islamist groups, adhering to a religious frame of reference does not preclude orientation on and attachment to social constituencies. One could say that, on the contrary, religious perspectives entail and require social reference groups. This results, firstly, from the inherently social character of religion. While religious perspectives certainly include a transcendental or "cosmic" dimension (Juergensmeyer 2000, 145-163), and notions of the divine and the sacred shape symbolic language and violent acts, they cannot be reduced to this aspect alone. Not only have ideas of redemption and religious action necessarily an "inner-worldly" component. Violent religious groups also have a genuinely religious but entirely worldly reference group - the religious community. Religion, as inter alia Appleby (2000, 9) and, more recently, Kippenberg (2008, 23/24) emphasize, is in its origin a communal phenomenon. It is the pro-duct of communal action and rooted in the community of believers, which is at the same time its bearer and objective. The religious community, in other words, is the social substratum of religion. This communal character of religion is indicated by the origin of the term itself, in the Latin religare, "to bind together" (Appleby 2000, 9). Reviving the faith, therefore, necessarily means reviving the faith of the community, and defending the religion implies defending the religious community. The second element closely linking militant religious groups to their social environment is the fact that they often have a directly political agenda, as many groups address the state itself, seeking to re-make the social and political order. This is particularly true in the case of most militant Islamist groups. The Islamist perspective emerged as part of a broader movement of "Islamic Awakening", and one of its core characteristics is the notion that Islam proscribes a comprehensive and divine order for all aspects of personal, social, and political life. The French term for the phenomenon, intégrisme, refers precisely to this aspect. Thus, Islamism is a religious, but also an essentially social and political movement as it refers to a religious community and aims at influencing its moral and political order. It propagates a return to the pure foundations of Islam with reference to authoritative sources and historic precedents, while denouncing folk religiosity as well as the political quietism of the traditional religious establishment. So, militant Islamist movements do in fact refer to a wider community of believers, such as confessional minorities, Muslim societies, or the global ummah, whom they seek to lead back to the true faith, to re-shape according to an Islamic moral and ethical order, or to liberate from oppression. Khaled alIslambouli was clearly willing to die when he carried out the attack on Sadat. And convinced that he was committing the deed for God's sake, he was confident of being received as a martyr. At the same time, however, the attackers saw their deed as part of the struggle for an Islamic order and for Muslims in Egypt. As one leader of alJihad explained, "They did not start from the wish that they want to go to heaven, and therefore they killed him. No! They wanted to change the system, of course!" Similarly, while the belief that sacrificing his life would yield heavenly reward might very well have inspired the suicide bomber in the U.S. Marine headquarters attack, the incidents were at the same time part of a broader violent campaign to force American and other "imperialist" forces to leave the country, to end the Israeli occupation of South Lebanon, and to lead the Lebanese Shiite community back to the true faith. During the following years, the Shiite Islamist movement established a broad array of social facilities, charity networks, and medical and educational institutions. They also took part in elections, and, at some point in time, formed a media department to win support for their violent campaign among the Shiite community in Lebanon and beyond. In an interesting develop...

Contents Acknowledgements 9 1. Introduction 11 1.1 Militant Islamist groups and their constituencies in social science research 15 1.2 Research question and design of this study 24 1.3 The case studies and criteria for comparison 25 1.4 Central concepts 27 1.5 Research strategies, methods, and sources 30 1.6 The structure of this book 36 2. Violent insurgencies and relationships of support: Outlines of an analytical framework 38 2.1 Engaging in relationships: Forms of orientation and reference groups 39 2.2 Support relationships: Setting and basic forms 42 2.3 Forms of influence in relationships of support 51 2.4 Summary 55 3. Between Islamic revolution and resistance: The militant groups' aims and perspectives 56 3.1 Killing the Pharaoh, creating an Islamic society: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya and al-Jihad in Egypt 57 3.2 Resistance against occupation and the Islamic revolution in Lebanon: Hizbullah 77 3.3 Summary: Aims and patterns of orientation 93 4. The setting: Militant Islamist groups and their social environment 95 4.1 Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya: Rebellion in the Sa'id and Cairo's shantytowns 96 4.2 Hizbullah: Insurgency in South Lebanon, ruling the suburbs 108 4.3 Summary 116 5. Support relationships I: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya - Spreading the Call and ruling the neighborhood 118 5.1 "They were just good Muslims": Support for the Islamist movement and al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya in Ayn Shams 119 5.2 Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya in Imbaba: "Ruling" the neighborhood 127 5.3 Establishing a following at the university and beyond: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya in Assiut 131 5.4 Breaking with the past: Family relationships and al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya 136 5.5 Al-Jihad: Preparing clandestinely for a coup d'etat 140 5.6 Summary: Relationships of support between al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya and its constituency 141 6. Development patterns I: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya - Escalation, estrangement, and radicalization 144 6.1 Fragmentation under pressure: The development of support relationships in Ayn Shams and Imbaba 145 6.2 Losing ground: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya's insurgency in Assiut 150 6.3 The war against collaborators: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya in al-Minya 159 6.4 From ambushes to massacres: Decline of the insurgency and loss of constraints on violent practices 164 6.5 From ambivalence to condemnation: Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya and their audiences in public discourse 167 6.6 The development of al-Jihad 169 6.7 Summary: Dynamics of estrangement and fragmentation 171 7. Support Relationships II: Outcast, defender, provider - Hizbullah and the Shiite community in Lebanon 174 7.1 Building a movement and providing for the neighborhood: Hizbullah in the southern suburbs of Beirut 175 7.2 Reigning in the clans: Hizbullah in the Beqaa 182 7.3 Becoming part of the community: The Islamic Resistance in South Lebanon 185 7.4 Joining a subculture and an army: Becoming a member of Hizbullah 195 7.5 Summary: Relationships of support between Hizbullah and the Shiite community in Lebanon 198 8. Development Patterns II: Hizbullah - Resilience, adaptation, and consolidation of support 201 8.1 Support for the "resistance" and its resilience under pressure 202 8.2 Bringing Iran to Lebanon and "wasting" the community's sons: Elements of controversy and friction 204 8.3 Adaptation and strategic re-orientation: Hizbullah's response to opposition and weakening support 211 8.4 Consolidation of support and control 218 8.5 Summary: Dynamics of support, adaptation, and control 230 9. Conclusion: Militant Islamist groups and their constituencies - Relationships of support and control 232 9.1 Relationship structures: Forms of reference, ties of support, and forms of influence 233 9.2 Development patterns 246 9.3 Militant groups and their constituencies: The logic of relational analysis 255 < ...

Mikropolitik der Gewalt